lessons in lore
Investigating the role of the ‘re-teller’ in shaping Cornish folklore:
How do folklore retellings reflect the metanarratives of the culture in which they were produced?
Introduction
Folklore is celebrated as an integral part of Cornish cultural identity. These ancient stories, shared over generations, speak to Cornwall’s unique and distinct heritage (James, 2020). However, are these stories merely tools used to indoctrinate audiences into accepting social norms and values? And if so, do retellings further perpetuate these values? In relation to retellings, theorist John Stephens suggests that “there is a high probability that replication of an old content and mode of representation may result in the further replication of, for example, old masculinist and antifeminist metanarratives” (Stephens, 1998: 4). Therefore, it is crucial for authors, artists, and orators of folklore to consider the cultural metanarratives inherent in their retellings to avoid disseminating unintended ideals. To achieve this, they must first understand how social, political, and cultural forces can influence a retold narrative. This essay will examine and compare two versions of a Cornish folk tale to demonstrate this. Nineteenth-century folklorist William Bottrell’s version and contemporary author Natasha Carthew’s version of Droll of the Mermaid will serve as the basis for our investigation. Retold, repurposed, and reimagined throughout the ages, the tale of Lutey and his encounter with a mermaid will help us explore how folklore retellings are used as vehicles for cultural inheritance and can reveal the existential concerns of the society in which they are produced. To frame this analysis, I will refer to the suggestion of theorist John Stephens. Stephens proposes that retold stories are “shaped by interaction amongst three elements” (2009: 91-107). The first of these is the known story—the version or versions of the story circulating at the time of the retelling, together with other stories of similar motifs. Secondly, the cultural metanarratives, which are the “current social preoccupations and values” (2009: 91-107); and thirdly, the textual form in which the story is presented. I will examine how each of these elements influences and shapes a retelling.
Retellings & Reversions
Let us first consider what retellings are and why they may be important to a society. Much of our contemporary fiction is underpinned by folklore (Larrington, 2020) but may not constitute a retelling. So, how can a retelling be defined? Stephens argues that “to be a retelling, a text must, of course, exist in relationship to some kind of source, or ‘pre-text’” (2009: 91-107). He explains that this source or ‘pre-text’ is not always a single identifiable work, acknowledging too that elements may be lost or added over time. Thus, “a new retelling may include elements and motifs from multiple stages of a text’s tradition” or “may draw more widely on the genre with which a text is associated” (Stephens, 2009: 91-107). While the definition is somewhat broad, looking for a relationship to a ‘pre-text’ or source and the replication of motifs can help us better identify a retelling.
This broad definition reflects the fluid nature of folklore and leads us to consider why folklore is the basis for so many retellings in the first place. Historically shared through an oral tradition, folklore is inherently adaptable.
“Our time-honoured stories grew within different regional cultures across the British Isles that were entirely oral. Thus, their forms tend to be spare and stripped down, freeing different storytellers to expand and elaborate to their listening audiences. Differing nuances and meaning, new details, and varying explanations would have been added each time the tales were performed” (Larrington, 2020: 7).
It was this oral tradition that gave rise to a medium so well suited for adaptation. However, though a storyteller’s performance may add new details to a tale, what remains constant is the relationship to the ‘pre-text’ or the replication of core motifs. The replication of motifs speaks to an important cultural function of a retelling. “The purpose is generally cultural reproduction, in the sense of transmitting desired knowledge about society and the self, modes of learning, and forms of authority” (Stephens, 1998: 4). If Stephens is correct, this is where ‘re-tellers’ must be wary. It would appear that layers of meaning lie hidden under the surface. Subtexts within the narrative conceal preferred cultural and societal beliefs that could be reproduced with each retelling.
Although the prospect of sub-textual regurgitation may be off-putting to a would-be ‘re-teller,’ there is hope. Stephens also suggests a second type of retelling, which he dubs a ‘re-version,’ described as “a narrative which has taken apart its pretexts and reassembled them as a version which is a new textual and ideological configuration” (Stephens, 1998: 4). Through a ‘re-version,’ an author has the freedom to explore or critique the ideologies and subtexts within a narrative while still retaining a recognisable relationship to its ‘pre-text’ or source.
Whether the tale being analysed is a traditional retelling or a ‘re-version,’ a written narrative or an oral rendition, what is always revealed is “some aspect of the attitudes and ideologies pertaining at the cultural moment in which that retelling is produced” (Stephens, 1998). This concept drives our investigation here. Through analysis and comparison, we may glean some understanding of how these cultural influences have manifested within each retelling.
Natasha Carthew’s and William Bottrell’s retellings do not stand alone but are situated within a wider corpus of Cornish folkloric tradition. To situate these two retellings and justify the view of Cornish folklore as a unique tradition worthy of its own analysis, it may be necessary to give a brief overview. Arguably, the defining factor in the development of Cornwall’s unique folkloric tradition was the land itself. The very bedrock, the great granite boulders that scatter the landscape, is the source of many tales and superstitions (Trower, 2015). However, another aspect of Cornwall’s geography had a more fundamental influence. “The south-west of Britain consists of a long peninsula, and the substantial Tamar River nearly bisects it entirely, separating Cornwall from Devon” (Trower, 2015: 76). Being almost entirely surrounded by water meant that “Cornwall was most easily reached by boat before 1859” (Trower, 2015: 76). This level of inaccessibility provided a cultural isolation that fostered the distinctive folk tradition. Language was another key contributing factor. In 1602, antiquarian Richard Carew documented and described a Cornwall in which Cornish was still spoken by over a quarter of the population. Set apart from its neighbours by language and landscape (Trower, 2015), it becomes clear how Cornish folklore evolved and why it has retained an independent identity.
Carew’s writings described substantial numbers of Cornish speakers, but over the next two hundred years, Cornwall experienced profound social and economic change. This period of transition provided the conditions for the first of the two retellings we shall examine, William Bottrell’s Droll of the Mermaid.
The Known Story
William Bottrell was one of the earliest folklore collectors to commit Cornwall’s tales to paper, publishing Traditions and Hearthside Stories of West Cornwall in 1873. However, it must be emphasized that he was not the creator of these tales; he was a collector and re-teller of the ancient oral tradition. Therefore, to him, the known story would have been an oral rendition. Indeed, he shares his source as an “old wandering droll teller” (a droll being the Cornish word for a story). In the introduction to his retelling, Bottrell indicates that the known story was continually adapted, writing that “he” (the droll teller) “or some of his audience, had always something new to add, by way of fashioning out the droll, or to display their inventive powers” (Bottrell, 1873: 143). This culture of adaptation likely influenced Bottrell to further expand upon the known story. Evidence of this can be found in the way Bottrell interweaves motifs and elements from other local folklore into his retelling (James, 2015). For instance, in Bottrell’s retelling, just before his disappearance beneath the waves, the central character Lutey exclaims, “My hour is come” (Bottrell, 1873). This is reminiscent of ‘Migratory Legend 4050’ (as catalogued by Christiansen) (James, 2015), in which a voice is heard coming from the sea calling, “The hour is come but the man is not” (Bottrell, 1873). Bottrell also mentions that one of Lutey’s family members is claimed by the sea every nine years; many variants of ‘Migratory Legend 4050’ say that the sea demands a victim every year or every seven years (James, 2015). These similarities are no coincidence but demonstrate the creative interweaving of multiple folktales, a result of Bottrell’s relationship to the known story, which he treats as malleable, ever-changing, and ripe for adaptation.
One hundred and forty-seven years later, contemporary author Natasha Carthew cites Bottrell’s version as the inspiration for her retelling. Carthew continues the theme of adaptation but with significant changes to characters and plot. The substantial changes to the known story represent the ambition of Hag, the collection in which the retelling appears. In the preface to Hag, Carolyne Larrington refers to the known story as “the source tales,” writing that “their traditional trappings can seem old-fashioned and quaint, dulling their urgent voices and blunting their impact” (Larrington, 2020: 9). The view that the known story is ‘old-fashioned’ and must be re-packaged to retain its ‘impact’ appears to drive the major narrative changes in Carthew’s retelling, including the decision to set the story in the near future. Stripped of its ‘traditional trappings,’ the resulting retelling is so changed it could perhaps be considered a ‘re-version’, “a new textual and ideological configuration” (Stephens, 1998: 4). Considering this, we can once again see how the relationship to and perception of the known story can shape a retelling.
Cultural Metanarratives
Let us now consider the cultural metanarratives prevalent at the time of Bottrell’s retelling. During the nineteenth century, the nation of Cornwall experienced significant social and economic transformations. It emerged as one of the pioneering European regions in industrialization, exporting tin worldwide alongside the expertise of skilled engineers and miners. However, prosperity was short-lived as the mining industry all but collapsed (McMahon 2015). The community grappled with increased mortality rates and famine, while striving to preserve its identity amidst mounting pressures from neighbouring regions (McMahon 2015). The use of the Cornish language declined, and the folklore heritage had begun to slip away (Larrington 2020).
It seems clear that Bottrell lamented “traditions that were disappearing” (James 2019: 3) and was “driven by a growing sense that modernity was driving out the old folkways and beliefs” (McMahon 2015). This turbulent period was the catalyst for Bottrell’s folklore collection and likely motivated his decision to transition “from the oral to the printed” (Larrington 2020: 4). Bottrell decided to present his retelling via the written word, inked, printed, and bound for posterity. Driven by a general fear of culture and identity loss, Bottrell’s choice of presentation is a clear indication of the influence the cultural metanarratives had on his retelling. This revelation also lends support to Stephens’ view of retellings as “cultural reproduction” (Stephens 1998: 4), a tool for the preservation of beliefs.
Although the metanarrative of a fading cultural identity is perhaps less prominent today, it could be argued that the metanarratives in contemporary Cornwall share similarities with those of the nineteenth century, most notably in relation to the challenging economic state. Natasha Carthew recently gave an interview with The Guardian, in which she appraised Cornwall’s current social situation. She describes a society in which economic insecurities loom large, pointing out that “earnings in Cornwall are well below the UK national average. It also has some of the highest costs of living in the UK” (Carthew 2023). She describes Cornwall as “a place of deep, long-lasting deprivation. Poverty and inequality are worse than ever, with 20 neighborhoods in the county among the 10% most deprived in England” (Carthew 2023).
These metanarratives undoubtedly find their way into Carthew’s retelling. Her version is peppered with subtle hints that Cornwall has endured some form of societal breakdown. One character mentions “the collapse in rights and rules” (Carthew 2020: 214) and later recalls drinking beer from a can, saying that it “must have been before the food trucks stopped coming” (Carthew 2020: 213). Whether their inclusion is an intentional political critique or not, these examples mirror the metanarratives Carthew explores in her interview, especially the lack of access to public services and the rising use of food banks (Carthew 2023).
Form & Presentation
As previously discussed, Bottrell’s retelling took the form of a printed book, a form and mode of presentation which reflected the concerns of Cornish society during that period. Considering the form and presentation further leads us to examine the accompanying illustrations in the book. Theorist Vanessa Joosen believes that illustrations “have a critical potential that deserves more attention in relation to fairy-tale criticism and retellings” (Joosen 2011: 1-8). With this in mind, what can the small black and white illustration in Bottrell’s retelling reveal? If we treat the artwork as a retelling in itself, the artistic choices made in representing the mermaid character hold the potential to reveal further the inexorable links between retellings and the dominant societal values and narratives.
Writing about the meaning of mermaids in Cornish folklore, theorist Tara Pedersen says that in the majority of cases they represent “narcissistic vanity, deceptive self-presentation, and dangerous female sexuality” (Pedersen 2016). She concludes that the symbol of the mermaid is “a logical representation (for a culture dominated by the sea) of the dangers of succumbing to the enticement of bodily senses” (Pedersen 2016). The mermaid pictured in the illustration (fig. 1) gestures seductively, tempting the man above to abandon ship and enter her dark watery realm. This depiction appears to confirm Pedersen’s view of mermaid symbols and their negative association.
fig. 1. unknown illustrator. ca. 1800-1900. no title
In agreement, historian Robert Longsworth calls attention to “the popularity of mermaid emblems in Cornish churches” and explains that “they function as symbols of diabolical temptations through lust” (Longsworth 1967). However, this widely assumed negative association may, in fact, represent a cultural change in the perception of mermaids. Gwen Benwell argues that before the nineteenth century “Mermaid emblems are abundant in Cornish churches and used positively” (Benwell 1965: 128). An example of this is the fifteenth-century carved bench at Zennor, pictured (fig. 2). Benwell points out that the churches “were built by fishermen for their families to whom the superstitions of mer-folk were familiar” (Benwell 1965: 128). She also proposes that the mermaid “has a much deeper significance than previously noted. A spiritual significance” (Benwell 1965: 128). Benwell justifies this theory, in part, due to the positive comparison between Christ and a mermaid in the Ordinalia (The 14th-century Cornish miracle plays). She maintains that “the exceptional use of the mermaid in the Ordinalia should be examined through the special meanings that these held for the original culture that produced them” (Benwell 1965: 128).
figure 2. major arthur william gill. 1925.
the mermaid of zennor bench end in zennor church, cornwall.
These contradicting views on the symbolic meaning of the mermaid demonstrate how cultural perceptions change over time. They also reinforce the fact that retellings are shaped by the current cultural narrative and belief. This is evidenced by the choice of the illustrator to depict the mermaid as a negative symbol, in keeping with the nineteenth-century Cornish belief (James 2015), rather than the previous Cornish cultural tradition which venerated the mermaid figure (Benwell 1965).
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Shifting our focus to Hag, we can see again the use of illustration in the presentation. And once again, the illustration reveals a cultural narrative. In Hag, Natasha Carthew’s retelling is presented alongside a collection of different folktale retellings from across the United Kingdom. As previously discussed, Hag’s editor Carolyne Larrington sought to present the tales to a new audience by updating aspects which were “old fashioned and quaint” (2020: 9), resulting in new retellings that “are set directly in dialogue with the modern” (2020: 9). This modernisation seeks to appeal to a new audience and align itself with the contemporary “cultural trend” of “folk-horror or the new weird” (2020: 12).
figure 3. sophie hollington. 2020. hag book cover.
Hag’s book cover is boldly illustrated by lino-cut artist Sophy Hollington (fig. 3). Hollington’s work perfectly reflects this cultural desire for a modernized take on traditional folk themes. Aesthetically, her work holds a strong resemblance to traditional European folk art. As an example, compare the similar thematic iconography and decorative devices in the eighteenth-century Swedish design pictured (fig. 4). In addition, her use of the lino-cut process lends a textured, handmade or traditional feel to her work. Yet, at the same time, her work is unmistakably modern with stylized facial expressions similar to emoji design and references to more contemporary visual language that she describes as “eye-popping, psychedelic” and “modernist” (Hollington 2020). These seemingly opposing elements blend together, “like archaic objects and futuristic visions” (Hollington 2015) all at once. Hollington’s melding of traditional folk aesthetics with contemporary elements mirrors the modernized folk retellings in Hag and shines a light on the culture in which it was produced.
figure 4. unknown maker. ca. 1800.
carriage cushion cover (two lions in floral roundels).
Reflections
Through the analysis of these retellings, we see that they are subject to the influences of their cultural milieu. Just like any other form of storytelling, illustrations in folktales, like those examined in The Droll of the Mermaid, can act as mirrors of the prevailing social, political, and economic forces of their time. Through the lens of William Bottrell’s nineteenth-century retelling and Natasha Carthew’s contemporary ‘re-version,’ we witness how the known story, cultural metanarratives, and presentation can be examined to reveal the influences shaping the retelling process.
Folklore, as evidenced by its adaptability owing to an ancient oral tradition, serves as a conduit for cultural inheritance and transmission. Retellings, whether faithful to the known story or re-imagined as ‘re-versions,’ carry with them the cultural baggage of their time, either replicating or challenging societal norms and ideologies. The examination of Bottrell’s and Carthew’s versions of the tale underscores the importance for future re-tellers to understand the cultural context in which previous retellings were produced.
Bottrell’s retelling, emerging from a period of economic upheaval and cultural transition in Cornwall, reflects a deep-seated concern for the preservation of folklore amidst the encroaching forces of modernity. His choice to immortalize these tales in printed form underscores the anxieties of his era and serves as a testament to the power of retellings in preserving cultural heritage.
In contrast, Carthew’s rendition in Hag presents a modern approach to folklore, where tradition meets modernism in a dialogue with contemporary cultural trends. With a keen awareness of Cornwall’s present economic struggles, Carthew infuses her retelling with subtle nods to societal breakdown and economic disparity, echoing the concerns of contemporary Cornish society.
The analysis of Cornish folklore retellings has thus provided valuable insights into the complex interplay between storytelling, cultural identity, and societal change. By critically examining these narratives, we gain a deeper understanding of the past and present realities of Cornwall and its people, as well as the enduring ability of folklore to act as a reflection of the human experience.
List of Figures
Figure 1. Unknown Illustrator. ca. 1800-1900. No title. From: William Bottrell. 1873. Traditions and Hearthside Stories of West Cornwall.
Figure 2. Major Arthur William GILL. 1925. The Mermaid of Zennor bench end in Zennor Church, Cornwall. Royal Cornwall Museum [online]. Available at:
https://imagearchive.royalcornwallmuseum.org.uk/places/zennor/mermaid-zennor-bench-end-zennor-church-cornwall-11513547.html [accessed March 7 2024]
Figure 3. Sophie HOLLINGTON. 2020. HAG book cover. Virago [online]. Available at:
[accessed January 17 2024]
Figure 4. Unknown maker. Ca. 1800. Carriage Cushion Cover (Two Lions in Floral Roundels). The Khalili Collections [online] Available at:
https://www.khalilicollections.org/collections/swedish-textiles/khalili-collections-swedish-textiles-carriage-cushion-cover-sw-75/ [accessed April 9 2024]
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